BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
" I have seldom addressed this House ; and much less did I expect that I should have been
obliged now to defend myself from the charge of wilful injustice and oppression. These are
charges I am not accustomed to have made against me ; and I will say, the words injustice and
oppression have never before been coupled with the name I bear. I am very happy that this
charge has been brought by a gentleman not acquainted with me, or with my character. The
House, too, is unacquainted with me ; but I will venture to say, that in my own country, where I
am known, it would not be believed that I had acted with wilful injustice or oppression against
any man. Was the Hon. gentleman to represent me so in the city where I principally reside
(Edinburgh), there would be an hundred thousand tongues ready to repel the charge, and probably
several arms raised against him who made it."
* * * *
" Before I enter into the consideration of Mr. Morrison's conduct and of mine, it will be
necessary to put the House in possession of the peculiar and critical situation of Scotland at the
time that letter was written, It will be necessary for me to inform them what are the nature
and duties of the office of Advocate-General of Scotland ; what is the responsibility attached at
all times to the situation, but more peculiarly so in the times and circumstances at the period
to which the charge refers."
He then described the defenceless state of the country, and continued-
" Under these circumstances, I would act as the safety of the State required, and not
measure my responsibility by the frigid rules of strict law. I acted under the full conviction,
that if the enemy were to land in the north, the salvation of Scotland coiild only be achieved
by its volunteers ; and it appeared more probable that they would land in the north, than
direct their attacks against Edinburgh itself. Letters had been received by all the lord-lieutenants
of counties, from the Secretary of State, that the information of Government vras such, that an
immediate attempt was to be expected on the part of the enemy : this information arrived in
Scotland only a few days before my writing this letter. Lord Moira attached such credit to it
that lie would not sleep out of Edinburgh a single night ; and positively refused to pass a night
at Dalkeith (only six miles distant), lest, in case of invasion, it might delay an hour the orders
for the troops to march, He conferred with me upon the subject ; and I, too, considered the
country in such a crisis, that though it was in the Christmas holidays, when everybody left
Edinburgh that could leave it, I did not think it safe to sleep a night out of town. Such was
our opinion at the time in which I wrote that letter ; and I declare, sir, upon my honour, that,
when I wrote it, I did expect the French would land in Scotland before the Sheriff of Banffshire
had received my letter.
" Under such circumstances, I do not so much speak of the legality of the act as of the necessity
of it. I come now to speak of the nature and duties of the situation of Lord Advocate of
Scotland : it is by no means an office so dry, formal, and precise, in its nature, as the office of
Attorney-General in England. I wish
the hon. gentleman could define them, as there are no burdens he could possibly lay on me,
which I suppose would be equal to what are, in my opinion, the duties of a Lord Advocate.
Formerly the Government of Scotland was carried on by a Cabinet Council, composed of the
Great Officers of State. Soon after the Union in 1707, the Privy Council of Scotland was
abolished, the office of Chancellor was also abolished, and the whole powers of the resident
Government of Scotland devolved upon the Lord Advocate and Lord Justice-clerk ; but the
Lord Justice-clerk has been merely a criminal judge, and the Lord Advocate in Scotland
exercises the whole power of the Government. Every different department of Government looks to
me for advice and assistance, even in military matters, which are most foreign to my professional
studies, and the Generals of the forces daily confer with me." * * * * In
England the different departments of the State are so arranged, that everybody knows where
he should apply on an emergency. It is not ao in Scotland. The weight of all the departments
of the State rests upon the shoulders of the Lord Advocate. If I have written one letter, I
have written at least eight hundred letters to magistrates, with respect to the instructions
received from Government.
" In order to give the House some idea of the powers which have been always assumed by
the Lord Advocates of Scotland, I shall mention one or two instances.
The powers of a Lord Advocate are not easily defined.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, 249
“ In the beginning of the American war, the Lord Advocate of that time, hearing that there
were many vessels bound to America, full of emigrants, who, he conceived, might be forced into
the American armies at their landing, but who mould, at all events, be lost to their country,
assumed to himself a power of laying those vessels under an absolute embargo ; and for so doing,
he not only received an indemnity, but the thanks of Parliament.
“ My predecessor in office. was certainly never reckoned a harsh or oppressive man ; and yet
he took the responsibility on himself for an act which by law is felony. He received certain
information of a letter being put into the Post Office at Perth for Edinburgh, which he apprehended
to be of important consequence to the State, and he did not hesitate, upon his own
responsibility, to have it taken out of the Post Office. It was this letter which led to the discovery
and conviction of the traitor Watt.
“ I myself, having learned that several vessels were on the point of sailing for America, which
had. not on board above a third of the provisions necessary for the passengem on the voyage,
positively laid them under an embargo, until the captain should satisfy the Custom-House
officers of having taken in a sufficient quantity of provisions for the voyage ; and an act of Parliament
has since been passed to prevent such practices for the future. In that case, too, I
acted perhaps contrary to law, but I did not think it necessary to ask for an indemnity. Again,
at the time of the insurrection in Ireland, last year, I thought it probable that many fugitives
would come to Scotland. On a -former occasion, the Irish Government would not allow any
person to leave that country without passports. There was no law in Scotland which required
the production of such passports ; but I took it upon my own responsibility to order that no
person coming from Ireland without a passport should be suffered to land in Scotland. There
was no positive law which gave me power to do 60 ; and not having applied for an indemnity,
I may be now liable to actions of damages to those people who by my orders were prohibited
from landing. But still, I conceive it is the duty of a Lord Advocate of Scotland, to act
decidedly in all cases where the State is in danger, upon his own responsibility ; and I will tell
the hon. gentleman fairly, that if his motion does not deprive me of my place, I shall always act
in the same manner, under similar circumstances. ”
* * *
“I shall now tell the real story of the transaction. Garrow had, with the knowledge of his
master, entered into a volunteer corps. By attending after his work was finished, he had
qualified himself as a soldier ; and in order to obtain those exemptions that the law gave, it was
necessary that he should be inspected. Before the day of inspection, he asked his master’s leave
to go, but was refused : he was so anxious then to reconcile his duty to his country to his duty
to his master, that he got up in the middle of the night, and performed that task which his
master had assigned him, and then went to inspection. On his return, Mr. Morrison turned
him off, notwithstanding he offered to make any amends by additional labour, or by deduction
from his wages ; but how did he turn him off? Not aa the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread)
would have turned off his servant ; no, he refiued to pay him the wages he had earned before
that day, and would not pay him till he was compelled by a decree of the Sheriff’s Court. The
time when he discharged him was also material. It was on the 13th of October, when a labourer
in Scotland, who is generally engaged by the half-year, could not easily get employment. As
there are no poor rates in Scotland, Garrow and his family might have starved in the winter, if
they could not find employment. This then is the real case ; and now I will appeal to every
man in this House, where ought the charge of injustice and oppression to attach? I almost
doubt [fear] now that my legal opinion was correct, and [believe] that, under all the circumstances
of the case, Mr. Morrison conld be compelled to pay Gmow his wages for the remainder of the
half-year, as there was no neglect of duty on his part. The House will now judge whether it is
Mr. Morrison or Garrow who is the injured man.
“ Although I confess I had no particular information against Morrison, yet I must, in my
defence, mention another circumtance which I was informed of. Early in the French Revolution,
there had existed at the town of Portsoy, within two miks of Morrison’a house, a Society
called ‘the Friends of Universal Liberty,’ who corresponded with the Jacobin Club of France.
I knew that the head and p’mcm mobile of that Society was a man who was likely to have
considerable influence over Mr. Morrison. I know that, after the meetings of that Society had
become so seditious, when the Sheriff was obliged to crave leave ‘to he admitted to the honour
of their sittings,’ they split into smaller partim ; and one of their favourite measures was to
obstruct and discourage the raising of the volunteer force.’’
VOL. 11. 2K